Abstract The origins of the genus Homo have been a focus of much debate in the paleoanthropological literature due to its importance in understanding the evolutionary trajectories that led to the appearance of archaic humans and our species. On the level of taxonomic classification, the controversies surrounding the origins of Homo are the result of lack of clear classification criteria that separate our genus from australopiths, given the general similarities observed between fossils ascribed to late australopiths and early Homo. The challenge in finding clear autapomorphies for Homo has even led to debates about the classification of Homo habilis and Homo rudolfensis as part of our genus. These debates are further complicated by the scarcity of fossils in the timeframe of appearance of our genus, making any fossils dated to between 3.0 and 2.5 Ma of particular relevance in the context of this discussion. The Ledi-Geraru mandible is one such fossils, which has called the attention of researchers due to its combination of primitive traits seen in Australopithecus and derived traits observed in later Homo. Despite being fragmented and poorly preserved, it is one of the key fossil specimens available from the period mentioned above.

Abstract: This ethnography is about a particular human-animal relationship based on primatological research on groups of wild robust capuchin monkeys living in Parque Estadual Carlos Botelho (Brazil), one of the largest preserved areas of Atlantic Tropical Forest in the world. It emphasizes the complex situations that highlight the difficulty of making this research. This space integrates administrative, scientific and local interests, producing a unique cartography. We reflect on the scientific research considering the relations among primatologist, field assistant and other animals and comparing it with the hunt. “Hunt” is a model inspired in techniques and in some aspects of recreational hunt to expand the comprehension of a complex routine defined to obtain behavior data.

ABSTRACT This study monitored the survival of saplings planted according to different recovery models in a riparian forest of the Pandeiros river (Januária, MG). The models consisted of planting the saplings in lines of 2 or 4 m with presence (T2S and T4S, respectively) or absence of direct seeding (T2 and T4, respectively). We planted 16,259 saplings of 17 botanical families, 32 genera and 33 species. The saplings, in general, presented a survival rate after one year of 34.4% (±1.8). The species with highest survival rates were Jacaranda brasiliana, with 85.0% (±13.5) of survival, Anadenanthera colubrina, with 70.1% (±7.0), and Triplaris gardneriana, with 69.3% (±9.1). Survival did not vary between the models tested, probably due to the short evaluation period (12 months).

Resumo A região de Lagoa Santa, Minas Gerais, apresenta uma história de pesquisas que cruza as fronteiras disciplinares da antropologia, arqueologia e biologia. Neste artigo, traçamos um panorama dos debates que permeiam 180 anos de pesquisa na região. As primeiras intervenções na área foram realizadas pelo naturalista Peter Lund, no século XIX. Desde então, intervenções nacionais, como as do Museu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, e internacionais, como as das missões Americana e Francesa, aconteceram na região. Enfatizamos neste artigo o impacto produzido na pesquisa local pelas mudanças teóricas e pela intensidade de diálogo entre as disciplinas envolvidas. Por fim, destacamos a importância de manter as pesquisas na região centradas em questões científicas interdisciplinares.

Abstract The region of Lagoa Santa, Minas Gerais, presents a research history that crosses the disciplinary boundaries of anthropology, archaeology and biology. In this article, we outline the debates that went on during more than 180 years of research in the region. The first studies in the area were carried out by the naturalist Peter Lund in the 19th century. Since then, Brazilian interventions, such as the ones sponsored by the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro, and international ones, such as the American and French missions, have taken place in the region. We emphasize in this article the impact of the theoretical changes and the intensity of dialogue between disciplines involved in Lagoa Santa research. Finally, we highlight the importance of keeping research focused on interdisciplinary scientific issues.

Resumo: Os estudos sobre comportamento de primatas não humanos, particularmente aqueles dedicados aos chimpanzés, realizados a partir da década de 1960, têm exposto um conjunto de conhecimentos sobre as capacidades cognitivas e a complexidade dos comportamentos individuais e coletivos desses animais que sugerem reflexões tanto sobre o lugar e o papel da vida social em seu desenvolvimento quanto sobre a extensão e a profundidade das características singulares de cada chimpanzé. Ambas as dimensões são, aliás, profundamente associadas pelas perspectivas das ciências sociais e humanas. A discussão sugerida visa pontuar os resultados obtidos em pesquisas sobre chimpanzés selvagens e de laboratório relacionados a temas como emoções e sentimentos, consciência, teoria da mente, noção de pessoa e capacidade simbólica com o intuito de contribuir com as discussões sobre a viabilidade, ou não, de se considerar a existência de uma “subjetividade animal”.

Abstract: Studies on non-human primates behavior, particularly those dedicated to chimpanzees conducted from the 1960s, have exposed discoveries about their cognitive skills and their individual and collective complex behavior what suggests reflections about both the place and the role of social life in their development, as the extent and the depth of the unique characteristics of each chimpanzee. Both dimensions are indeed deeply associated with the prospects of social and human sciences. The discussion suggested aims to point out the results obtained in research on wild chimpanzees and laboratory-related topics such as emotions and feelings, consciousness, theory of mind, the notion of person and symbolic capacity in order to contribute to discussions on the feasibility, or not, to consider the existence of an “animal subjectivity.”

ABSTRACT The origin and dispersion of the first Americans have been extensively investigated from morphological and genetic perspectives, but few studies have focused on their health and lifestyle. The archaeological site of Lapa do Santo, central-eastern Brazil, has exceptionally preserved Early Holocene human skeletons, providing 19 individuals with 327 permanent and 122 deciduous teeth dated to 9,250 to 7,500 years BP. In this study, we test whether the inhabitants of Lapa do Santo had high prevalence of dental caries as previous studies of Lagoa Santa collection have indicated, using individual and tooth as units of analyses. The results show a high prevalence of dental caries in the permanent dentition (5.50%, n=327 teeth; 69.23%, n=13 individuals) compared to other samples of hunter-gatherers worldwide. In addition, dental caries in deciduous teeth start occurring as early as 3 to 4 years old, suggesting an early start to caries. Compared with other samples from Lagoa Santa, Lapa do Santo shows statistically similar prevalence of overall caries but different caries location pattern. We believe that a subsistence adaptation to a tropical environment rich in sources of carbohydrates, such as fruits, is the best explanation for the overall caries prevalence.

ABSTRACT Recent fossil material found in Dinaledi Chamber, South Africa, was initially described as a new species of genus Homo, namely Homo naledi. The original study of this new material has pointed to a close proximity with Homo erectus. More recent investigations have, to some extent, confirmed this assignment. Here we present a phenetic analysis based on dentocranial metric variables through Principal Components Analysis and Cluster Analysis based on these fossils and other Plio-Pleistocene hominins. Our results concur that the Dinaledi fossil hominins pertain to genus Homo. However, in our case, their nearest neighbors are Homo habilis and Australopithecus sediba. We suggest that Homo naledi is in fact a South African version of Homo habilis, and not a new species. This can also be applied to Australopithecus sediba.

Resumo As ‘culturas de chimpanzés’ correspondem a uma ideia especialmente importante porque chimpanzés são os animais mais próximos aos humanos em termos genéticos e de complexidade de comportamento. Uma avaliação crítica desses fenômenos irá certamente redefinir as fronteiras entre humanos e não humanos. Além disso, criará novas formas de representação da humanidade e sua alteridade. Consequentemente, é também urgente discutir as definições de cultura porque as concepções de ‘culturas de chimpanzés’ adotadas pelos primatólogos são profundamente distintas das concepções de cultura adotadas pelos antropólogos socioculturais. Há um consenso crescente entre os antropólogos socioculturais de que cultura envolve necessariamente a produção de sentidos e a manipulação de símbolos. O que os primatólogos frequentemente apresentam está muito distante disso. Para os antropólogos, cultura é a expressão plena de representações, mitos, arte, rituais e ciência. Este artigo apresenta os resultados de uma pesquisa bibliográfica feita sobre 24 periódicos representativos da área, de 1999 a 2011. Do material encontrado, 63 artigos que apresentam explícitas ou implícitas definições de ‘culturas de chimpanzés’ foram identificados e analisados. Um dos resultados mais importantes é que a grande maioria dos conceitos apresentados não se sustenta sobre concepções de cultura que envolvam a produção de significados e a manipulação de símbolos.

Abstract ‘Chimpanzee culture’s’ idea is a very important topic because chimpanzees are, genetically and behaviorally, the closest animals to humans. A critical assessment of these phenomena will certainly redefine the frontiers between humans and non-humans. Likewise, it may create new forms of representing the humanity and its alterity. Consequently, it’s urgent to discuss the definitions of ‘culture’ because the conception of’ ‘chimpanzee cultures’ adopted by primatologists is far from the sociocultural anthropologists’ conception of culture. At the same time, there is a growing consensus among the sociocultural anthropologists that culture necessary involves the production of meanings and the manipulation of symbols. What primatologists frequently present is far from modern sociocultural anthropologists’ conceptions. For the later, culture is the full expression of representations, myths, art, rituals and science. This paper presents the results of a bibliographical research that was carried out in 24 representative journals of the area from 1999 to 2011. From this survey 63 papers presenting explicit or implicit definitions of ‘chimpanzee cultures’ were identified and analyzed. One of most important results is that the great majority does not rely on a concept of culture that involves production of meanings and manipulation of symbols.

Vertebral osteophytosis was studied as a marker for physical stress in prehistoric populations of San Pedro de Atacama from the Middle (400 - 1.000 A.D.) and Late Intermediate (1.000 - 1.450 A.D.) periods. The mean degree of osteophytosis was recorded in each vertebral segment of 154 individuals from four sites: Solcor 3, Coyo 3, Quitor 6 and Toconao Oriente. Osteophytosis prevalence was more severe in older individuals, corroborating its degenerative nature. However, after correction for age impact in osteophytosis prevalence, significant differences were observed between sites. Differences in osteophytosis prevalence between sexes were not significant. The results show that during the Late Intermediate period populations of both sexes suffered less vertebral stress than during the Middle period, particularly during the its end. Changes in activity patterns (amount of energy invested, intensity or type of activities undertaken) could account for the differences found.

Se estudió la osteofitosis vertebral como indicador de estrés físico en grupos humanos prehistóricos de San Pedro de Atacama, durante los períodos Medio (400 DC - 1000 DC) e Intermedio Tardío (1000 DC - 1450 DC). Se registró el grado promedio de osteofitosis vertebral de cada segmento vertebral en 154 individuos adultos de cuatro sitios: Solcor 3, Coyo 3, Quitor 6 y Toconao Oriente. Se comprobó el carácter degenerativo de la osteofitosis vertebral, ya que el grado promedio de osteofitosis fue mayor en el rango etario más viejo. Se observaron diferencias significativas entre sitios sólo en este rango. No se encontraron diferencias en el grado de osteofitosis entre sexos. Los resultados indicaron que durante el período Intermedio Tardío, tanto hombres como mujeres, sufrieron un estrés físico sobre la espalda menor que las poblaciones que vivieron durante el período Medio, especialmente a finales de este período, posiblemente por cambios en los patrones de actividad, ya sea en la energía invertida en sus actividades y por consecuencia, en la intensidad de las actividades físicas desarrolladas, o en diferencias en el tipo de actividades desarrolladas.

A região cárstica de Lagoa Santa tem sido de suma importância para as discussões sobre o tempo e o modo da dispersão dos primeiros americanos. A Lapa do Santo, escavada na última década, originou uma das maiores coleções de esqueletos humanos desta região. Neste trabalho, investigamos as afinidades morfológicas dos esqueletos da Lapa do Santo com outras amostras esqueletais de Lagoa Santa e da Colômbia, contextualizando-as dentro da variação morfocraniana existente hoje no planeta. Nossas análises, realizadas sobre um total de 2.059 crânios (1.071 masculinos e 988 femininos), estão baseadas em duas abordagens multivariadas, com o objetivo de caracterizar a variabilidade intra e intergrupos das 24 séries incluídas no trabalho. Nossos resultados mostram que os crânios da Lapa do Santo, bem como de outras séries de Lagoa Santa, não mostram níveis mais elevados de variabilidade intragrupal do que as séries modernas usadas como comparação, sugerindo que elas representam uma mesma população biológica. Concluímos também que os esqueletos mais antigos da América do Sul, incluindo os da Lapa do Santo, mostram fortes afinidades morfológicas com as populações australo-melanésias e da ilha de Páscoa. Tais resultados sugerem que houve um aumento na diversidade biológica no continente americano durante o Holoceno Médio, possivelmente devido ao influxo de diversidade extracontinental após a colonização inicial das Américas.

The karstic region of Lagoa Santa has been highly important for the discussion about the tempo and mode of the initial human dispersal into the Americas. Lapa do Santo rockshelter, excavated during the past decade, represents to date one of the largest collections of early Holocene human remains recovered from the region. Here we analyze the morphological affinities of Lapa do Santo individuals with other early series from Lagoa Santa and Colombia, contextualizing them within the modern human cranial variation across the planet. Our analyses, performed on a total of 2,059 skulls (1,071 males and 988 females), are based on complementary multivariate approaches, aiming to characterize the within-group variance and the between-group morphological affinities of the 24 series included in the analyses. Our results indicate that Lapa do Santo, and other Lagoa Santa, individuals do not present higher levels of within-group variation than modern human groups, supporting the idea that they represent a single biological population. When compared to worldwide series, the early South American groups, Lapa do Santo included, share high morphological affinities among themselves and with Australo-Melanesian and Easter Island groups. Taken together, these results suggest an increase of biological diversity in the continent during the Holocene, possibly a result of the influx of new extra-continental diversity after its initial settlement.

De modo semelhante aos rompantes etnocêntricos de uma cultura humana frente a outras, as relações entre humanos e primatas não humanos incluem um estranhamento pontuado por atração e repulsa, identificação e diferença. Ciência, arte e mitologia são a expressão viva e atualizada disso. Desde 1960, a primatologia destaca-se nesse cenário por contribuir significativamente na revisão das definições sobre o comportamento dos primatas e, consequentemente, na redefinição do humano ao apresentar a polêmica proposição de existência de "culturas" entre animais não humanos. Assim, a aproximação entre humanos e primatas não humanos parece inexorável e irreversível. Isso implica, por exemplo, em cogitar se esse processo engendra, ou não, a constituição de novas alteridades a partir de um novo outro (não humano), carregado de significados. Isso incluiria, por exemplo, a reformulação de representações e de categorias de classificação, bem como o aprofundamento do debate sobre os direitos dos animais não humanos. Ao dirigir tal tipo de desafio a situações de pesquisa antropológica deve-se ter aguda consciência de que o registro etnográfico das relações entre humanos e os outros primatas será uma construção empírica, perceptual e teórica. Dado o tipo particular de relação estabelecida entre humanos e outros primatas, pautada em um universo fronteiriço de incômodas semelhanças e diferenças, constituem-se aí coletivos híbridos em que o alcance e a profundidade das interações possíveis ainda são desconhecidos.

The relations between humans and non-human primates resemble the ethnocentric reaction of one human culture in relation to others, and include an estrangement marked by attraction and rejection, identification and differentiation. Art, science and myths are the vivid and updated expression of these phenomena. Since the 1960's primatology stands out in that scenario for contributing significantly to the revision of the definitions about the behavior of primates and, consequently, for the redefinition of human beings, and for making the controversial proposal of the existence of non-human animal "cultures". Then, the close connection between humans and non-human primates seems relentless and irreversible - and raises the question on whether or not these processes engender a new kind of otherness deriving from a non-human other that is full of meaning. This would include, for example, the reformulation of the representations and categories of classification, as well as deepening the debate about the rights of non-human animals. When the challenge is taken up in situations of anthropological research that address the relationships between human beings and the other primates, the ethnographic register that describes the relations between human beings and other primates will be an equally sharp empirical, perceptual and theoretical construction. Given the peculiar type of relationship established between human beings and other primates, implemented in a frontier universe of uncomfortable similarities and differences, they constituted a hybrid collective where interactions are possible but we do not know exactly how complex or how depth they are.

The region of San Pedro de Atacama, Northern Chile, has undergone several cultural and social changes after humans settled in Atacama Desert around 500 BC. The Atacameño people experienced the highest degree of social and cultural changes between 400 and 900 AD when they were assimilated into the Tiwanaku trade and political web that influenced most of the Central-Southern Andes. Under the influence of Tiwanaku, San Pedro de Atacama experienced its greatest economic development. Prior analyses of local human skeletal remains have shown a significant increase in the stature of the local population during the same period. In this paper, we investigate the impact of the Tiwanaku influence on the local epidemiological profile using the incidence of periostitis and osteomyelitis as indicators of biological stress. Surprisingly, the best epidemiological condition occurred during the final phase of influence of Tiwanaku (910-960 AD), and not during the apex influence (480-920 AD), as expected by the archaeological context. We suggest that population growth and aggregation may have counteracted the benefits of improved nutrition during the peak Tiwanaku influence. A severe drought occurred between 1,100 and 1,400 AD in Northern Chile. This could also explain the marked increase of bone infections in the post-Tiwanaku period (920-1,240 AD).

La región de San Pedro de Atacama, Norte de Chile, experimentó varios cambios culturales y sociales desde los primeros asentamientos humanos alrededor de los 500 a.c., aunque los más altos grados de cambio los sufrieron los atacameños entre 400 y 900 d.C., cuando fueron establecidas conexiones con la red cultural y de intercambio de Tiwanaku, cultura ésta que ejerció influencia sobre la mayor parte de los andes centro-sur. Bajo esta influencia, San Pedro de Atacama tuvo su mayor desarrollo económico. Análisis anteriores de restos esqueletales humanos han mostrado un significativo aumento en la estatura de la población local durante el mismo período. En este trabajo investigamos el impacto de la influencia Tiwanaku en el perfil epidemiológico local, usando la incidencia de periostitis y de osteomielitis como indicadores de estrés biológico. La mejor situación epidemiológica ocurrió durante el final de la fase de influencia de Tiwanaku (910-960 d.C.) y no durante el ápice de esta influencia (480-920 d.C.), como sería de esperar por el contexto arqueológico. Sugerimos que el crecimiento poblacional y la consecuente congregación pudo haber contrarrestado los beneficios de una mejor nutrición durante el auge de la influencia altiplánica. Una severa sequía ocurrió entre 1.100 y 1.400 d.C. en el norte de chile, lo que podría explicar el marcado aumento de las infecciones óseas en el período post-Tiwanaku (920-1.240 d.C.).

A origem e a dispersão dos povos Tupiguarani têm sido intensamente debatidas entre arqueólogos e linguistas nas últimas cinco décadas. Em resumo, pode-se dizer que a ideia de que esses povos, que ocuparam grande parte do território brasileiro e parte da Bolívia, do Paraguai, do Uruguai e da Argentina, tiveram sua etnogênese na Amazônia e dali partiram para o leste e para o sul, por volta de 2.500 anos antes do presente, é bastante aceita entre os especialistas, embora uma dispersão no sentido oposto, isto é, do sul para o norte, com origem na bacia do Tietê-Paraná, não seja completamente descartada. Entre os arqueólogos que consideram a Amazônia como berço desses povos, alguns acreditam que esse surgimento se deu na Amazônia central. Outros acreditam que a etnogênese Tupiguarani ocorreu no sudoeste da Amazônia, onde hoje se concentra a maior diversidade linguística do tronco Tupi. Neste trabalho, a morfologia de 19 crânios associados à cerâmica Tupiguarani ou etnograficamente classificados como tais foram comparados a várias séries cranianas pré-históricas e etnográficas brasileiras por meio de estatísticas multivariadas. Duas técnicas multivariadas foram empregadas: Análise de Componentes Principais, aplicada sobre os centróides de cada série, e Distâncias de Mahalanobis, aplicadas aos dados individuais. Os resultados obtidos sugerem uma origem amazônica para os povos Tupiguarani, sobretudo pela forte associação encontrada entre crânios Tupi e Guarani do sudeste e do sul brasileiro e dos Tupi do norte do Brasil, com os espécimes provenientes da ilha de Marajó incluídos no estudo.

The origin and dispersion of the Tupiguarani groups have been intensely debated among archaeologists and linguists in the last five decades. In summary it is widely accepted by archeologists that the ethnogenesis of this linguistic stock, who occupied the majority of Brazilian territory and part of Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay and Argentina, can be traced to Amazonia and from there migrated eastward and southward around 2,500 years before present, although a dispersion in the opposite direction, i.e., from south to north, with an origin in the basin of the Tietê-Paraná region, has not been completely ruled out. Among the archaeologists who regard Amazonia as the birthplace of these people, some believe that they originated in Central Amazonia. Others believe that the Tupiguarani's ethnogenesis occurred in southwestern Amazonia, where the majority of Tupi linguistic diversity is currently concentrated. In this study, the morphology of 19 human skulls associated with the Tupiguarani archaeological tradition, or ethnographically described as such, were compared with several prehistoric and ethnographic cranial series from Brazil by means of multivariate statistics. Two multivariate techniques were used: Principal Components Analysis applied to the centroid of each series and the Mahalanobis Distance applied to the individual data. Our results suggest an Amazonian connection for the Tupiguarani people, mainly because of the strong association found between Tupi and Guarani skulls from southern and southeastern Brazil and Tupi from northern Brazil with specimens from Marajó Island included in the work.

Este estudo tem como objetivos caracterizar o perfil demográfico e socioeconômico de nove comunidades remanescentes de quilombos no vale do Ribeira, estado de São Paulo, e identificar os principais fatores responsáveis pelas mudanças recentes nos seus padrões de subsistência. Desde a formação das primeiras aglomerações de escravos libertos e foragidos no século XVIII, as relações estabelecidas entre estas populações com as cidades próximas e com o mercado regional têm vivenciado momentos de retração e de expansão, adaptando-se e ajustando-se a novas mudanças políticas e socioeconômicas. Nas últimas cinco décadas, o impacto de fatores externos na aceleração das mudanças nos padrões de subsistência locais parece ter tido um aumento significativo. Os resultados mostram que as restrições impostas pela legislação ambiental, os conflitos de terra, a construção de uma rodovia na região, a crescente inserção no mercado regional e a atuação de órgãos governamentais e não-governamentais de desenvolvimento são os principais fatores responsáveis pelas mudanças observadas no sistema agrícola de corte e queima e, conseqüentemente, na organização socioeconômica destas populações.

This study aims to characterize the socioeconomic and demographic profile of nine Quilombola populations in the Ribeira Valley, State of São Paulo, and to identify the main factors responsible for the recent changes in their subsistence system. Since the first assemblages of runway and abandoned slaves in the 18th. century, the relations established by these populations with nearby towns and regional market have gone through periods of expansion and retraction, adapting and adjusting to new socioeconomic and political changes. In the last five decades, the impact of external factors on the local subsistence patterns appears to have had a significant increase. Our results show that restrictions imposed by environmental laws, conflict over land, the construction of a major road in the region, the growing insertion into a market economy, and the intervention of governmental and non-governmental development agencies are the main factors behind the changes observed in the subsistence system and, consequently, in the socioeconomic organization of these populations.

Até meados da década de 1990, predominava na literatura especializada que o Novo Mundo teria sido colonizado por três levas distintas, todas com origem no nordeste asiático. Na segunda metade da década, dois modelos alternativos começaram a desfrutar de grande popularidade entre a comunidade acadêmica internacional. O primeiro deles, denominado "Modelo dos Dois Componentes Biológicos Principais", baseado na variabilidade craniométrica de populações nativas americanas extintas, sugere que a América teria sido colonizada por pelo menos duas populações morfologicamente distintas vindas do nordeste asiático. O segundo, gerado por pesquisas sobre a variabilidade do DNA mitocondrial e do cromossomo Y de populações indígenas atuais, defende que o continente americano teria sido colonizado por apenas uma migração, também de origem asiática. Alguns especialistas acreditam que a compatibilização desses dois modelos é simples: as duas morfologias que se sucederam no tempo no Novo Mundo são resultado de um processo microevolutivo local, independente daquele que ocorreu, em paralelo, na Ásia. Uma outra maneira de compatibilizar os dois cenários é assumir que morfologia craniana e linhagens de DNA são entidades evolutivamente independentes, com histórias, modos, tempos e tendências próprias. Este trabalho apresenta novas evidências de que dois padrões morfológicos cranianos de fato se sucederam no Novo Mundo. Um relacionado às populações mais antigas (paleoíndias) e um relacionado a populações arcaicas e agrocerâmicas. Esses resultados são analisados à luz da discussão acima caracterizada.

Until mid 1990s the prevailing model to explain the early colonization of the Americas rested on the assumption that three different migrations were involved in the process. The first migration would have given rise to most of the modern Native Americans, and is known as "Amerind"; the second migration would have given rise only to the Na-Dene Indians of the northern pacific; while the third would have given rise to the Eskimos and Aleuts. Known as the Three Migrations Model, the model was said to rest on convergent evidences coming from dental morphology, linguistics and the gene pool of living Native Americans. By the time the model was formulated, genetic diversity of living humans was studied by means of gene products, like serum proteins, and not by means of DNA itself. From mid 1990s on, two other models to explain the origin of Native Americans started competing with the Three Migration Model. They are known today as The Two Main Biological Components Model, and The Single Migration Model. The first one rests on the analysis of the cranial morphology of extinct and extant Native Americans along time, while the second has emerged from the study of DNA polymorphisms of living populations, mainly from mitochondrial and Y chromosome DNA sequencing. In other words, evidence coming from cranial morphology and its variation along time sustains that two Northern Asian populations entered the continent: the first one exhibiting a more generalized cranial pattern, and a second one exhibiting a more specialized architecture. On the other hand, the distribution of DNA haplogroups in modern Native American populations is easily explained by the entrance of only one mother population from Northern Asia. In this study we present new evidence that two very distinct cranial morphologies are indeed found among extinct Native Americans along time: a more generalized cranial pattern typifying the first newcomers, known in the literature as Paleoindians (12 to 8 thousand years ago), and a more specialized pattern typifying latter groups, since the Archaic period (<8 thousand years). Although exceptions to this temporal logic have already been found, the chronology proposed seems to work in the vast majority of the American continent. The results obtained are discussed under the light of those generated by Molecular Biology of extant Native Americans.